24 déc. 2012

Triathlon and talent identification




20 years back we did not need talent identification because few athletes were doing triathlon and there were resources available; those resources are not there anymore neither the time to spend with so many athletes.  We need to make fast decision about the level of involvement with athletes depending on the degree of commitment they have for the sport.  We have spoken about it previously (24 mai 2012 TALENT IDENTIFICACION ADDICTIONS).
Talent identification has to do with education and secondary with our “soma.” It depends on the adaptive patterns. Somebody has to live healthy in order to overcome addictions; so knowing the adaptive patterns is important when we speak about talent.  A practical and clever Ecological definition of an addiction is given by Gregory Bateson, Mind and Nature, A Necessary Unity (1979).  Bateson puts adaptation vs. addiction. I go by this definition because it gives me the opportunity to be a better human being without “hard” addictions and it guides me to overcome my addictions in a practical way:
Addiction is the name of the large class of changes induced by environment and experience that are not adaptive and do not confer survival value (193).

When we speak of psychiatric disorders we should think in the Batesonian definition of an addiction.  A Psychiatric Disorder is equal to addiction according to Bateson.  The thought/behavior/pattern is repetitive in psychiatric disorders; Bateson calls the insane repetitiveness addiction.  What we call disorder in psychiatry it is an addiction in the Ecological Batesonian sense.  Let´s take a practical example now that you learned about clinical trials in the previous post and practice how to read an article. 



Arch Gen Psychiatry.2012;69(12):1295-1303. doi:10.1001/archgenpsychiatry.2012.271 
 
Comented by the one below:

ADHD at age 41: Absent or antisocial or moody/anxious
Nassir Ghaemi, MD, Psychiatry/Mental Health, 08:44PM Nov 1, 2012
There is an article: Clinical and Functional Outcome of Childhood Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder 33 Years Later.


Recent article available online first in the Archives of General Psychiatry provides a fascinating and long-needed long-term prospective follow-up of childhood ADHD into adulthood. This was a 33 year prospective follow-up, which can finally tell us what ADHD is and becomes after childhood.

I've always thought that making childhood psychiatric diagnoses was like taking a still picture of a runner in motion - everything's blurry. You don't really know the anwer until the child becomes an adult (and by then it's too late to do anything for the child).

So what does this study tell us?

At age 41, 135 men who had been diagnosed with childhood ADHD around age 8 were compared to 136 age matched men with no prior childhood ADHD. Some interesting results, based on my interpretation, not necessarily those of the authors:

1.  ADHD persisted in 22% of the adults. In other words, consistent with a large older literature, ADHD goes away in 80% of children by the time they become adults.  This contrasts with the common assumption these days that most children with ADHD should stay treated for it into adulthood.

2.  ADHD was diagnosed in 5% of the adult control group, who had NOT had childhood ADHD.  What does this mean, especially in the context of the National Comorbidity Survey data showing a 3% epidemiological prevalence of adult ADHD in the US?  Maybe it means that "adult ADHD" is not an illness, but rather represents the cognitive baseline of the general population, whereby 95-97% of the population has normal concentration, but a small percentage (3-5%) have decreased concentration - just as some of us are somewhat more anxious than others, and some of us are more shy than others,  as part of normal personality traits. These are not all disease, but normal variations in personality or cognition. 

3.  The most clear cut adult psychiatric diagnosis in children with ADHD was antisocial personality disorder (16% vs 0% of controls).  Does this suggest that much "ADHD" in children is not ADHD, but conduct disorder that later declares itself as antisocial personality?

4.  Not surprisingly, substance abuse was common (14% in the ADHD group versus 5% in controls).

5.  Mood and anxiety disorders (common causes of impaired attention) were more common in the ADHD group than controls, contrary to the interpretation of the authors (statistical nonsignificance is not equal to nonexistence, a common statistical mistake).  The results were 9% versus 6% for mood disorders, and 13% versus 9% for anxiety disorders - in other words, about a one-third increase rate for the ADHD group for both conditions (p-values are irrelevant for this kind of study with multiple comparisons, which was not statistically powered for this subgroup analysis).  (Diagnosis were based on standard research SCID interviews, but were conducted by clinical psychology graduate students, not trained psychiatrists). 

The authors conclude:  "The multiple disadvantages predicted by childhood ADHD well into adulthood began in adolescence, without increased onsets of new disorders after 20 years of age".

What could we conclude (somewhat differently than the authors)?

Almost 80% of children with ADHD do not continue to have the condition into adulthood.

The epidemiological prevalence of "adult ADHD" is consistent with the baseline normal variations of cognitive function in adults who never had childhood ADHD.

A common adult outcome of childhood ADHD is antisocial personality.  

Mood and anxiety disorders are one-third more common in adults who had childhood ADHD.

The authors don't tell us what percentage of adults with ADHD did not have antisocial personality or mood and anxiety disorders, which could themselves cause attentional impairment, but it would be interesting to know if this group would exceed the 5% non-ADHD baseline of ADHD-like cognitive impairment in adults.  What strikes me the most is what I put in red:
The most clear cut adult psychiatric diagnosis in children with ADHD was antisocial personality disorder (16% vs 0% of controls).


The predictive power of the childhood precursors of antisocial personality disorder provides ample justification for early intervention. Greater understanding of subgroups within the broad category of antisocial children and adults should assist with devising and targeting interventions.

Some countries, as New Zealand, go directly to make interventions to avoid the antisocial personality in the future, when the adolescents become adults. They do it with the aboriginal population mainly, because this behavior/diagnosis is related to factors as poverty and degree of education.

In Mexico, we do not have a way to deal with this kind of addictions and the society promotes this antisocial behavior.  Our talent identification depends on the degree of antisocial behavior developed already in the athlete.  Our Nobel Prize Winner, Octavio Paz recognized the main feature of this disorder and wrote a book title: THE LABERITH OF SOLITUDE: “Lying plays a decisive role in our daily life, in our politics, our love-affairs and out friendships, and since we attempt to defeat ourselves as other our lies are brilliant and fertile, not like the gross invention of other people.”

In practice, most New Zealand mental health programmes, broadly defined, in relationship to conduct disorders is focused on tertiary prevention i.e. attempting to reduce the impacts of the disorder made especially obvious by significant harm to others such as assault with a deadly weapon, forced sex, and aggravated robbery. The natural history of the disorder, however, is for an escalating pattern of offending, often with roots in the first five years of life. Because tertiary prevention of conduct disorders is expensive, often ineffective, and too late to prevent irreparable damage to others, including family, there is increasing interest in other types of prevention.

Now there is also evidence that early intervention programmes that target aggressive and non-compliant behaviour in children can reduce delinquency later in life.
http://temata.massey.ac.nz/massey/fms/Te%20Mata%20O%20Te%20Tau/Publications%20%20Mason/M%20Durie%20Whanau%20as%20a%20model%20for%20early%20intervention
%20in%20conduct%20disorders.pdf

As I mentioned in previous posts, countries as New Zealand and Australia have children that feel ashamed of their behavior at the age of five compared to Mexico, where children get angry if they are confronted by an adult for his/her behavior.  An athlete mentioned to me about knowing the existence of this research.
Delinquency is the target of these programs in New Zealand, but non-compliance is a huge problem encounter in countries like Mexico.  This lack of education is an insurmountable handicap and, if we want to create champions, we should start at a very early age training/educating kids.

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